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Friday, 31 August 2012

Part 3 Research - JV



3.2.iv
- what is meant by 'by the 22 the revolution had been stolen'?

Stolen means taken over by the protesters so it was 'stolen' by the people. The security forces were completely overthrown and were powerless to protect Ceauşescu. Here are some further details. 

It is likely that in the early hours of 22 December the Ceauşescus made their second mistake. Instead of fleeing the city under cover of night, they decided to wait until morning to leave. Ceauşescu must have thought that his desperate attempts to crush the protests had succeeded, because he apparently called another meeting for the next morning. However, before 7:00 am, his wife Elena received the news that large columns of workers from many industrial platforms (large communist-era factories or groups of factories concentrated into industrial zones) were heading towards downtown Bucharest to join the protests. The police barricades that were meant to block access to Piaţa Universităţii(University Square) and Palace Square proved useless. By 9:30 am, University Square was jammed with protesters. Security forces (army, police and others) re-entered the area, only to join with the protesters.
By 10 am, as the radio broadcast was announcing the introduction of martial law and of a ban on groups larger than five persons, yet hundreds of thousands of people were gathering for the first time, spontaneously, in central Bucharest (the previous day's crowd had come together at Ceauşescu's orders). Ceauşescu attempted to address the crowd from the balcony of the Central Committee of the Communist Party building, but his attempt was met with a wave of disapproval and anger. Helicopters spread manifestos (which did not reach the crowd, due to unfavourable winds) instructing people not to fall victim to the latest "diversion attempts," but to go home instead and enjoy the Christmas feast. This order, which drew unfavorable comparisons to Marie Antoinette's haughty (but apocryphal) "Let them eat cake", further infuriated the people who did read the manifestos; many people at that time had trouble procuring such basic foodstuffs as cooking oil.

3.4.i
- difference between life in the city and life in the country in Romania (before and after the revolution)

BEFORE  REVOLUTION
In cities:
Even before Romania fell into the orbit of Nazi Germany, Romanian authorities pursued a policy of harsh, persecutory antisemitism--particularly against Jews living in eastern borderlands, who were falsely associated with Soviet communism, and those living in Transylvania, who were identified with past Hungarian rule. Right-wing social revolutionary movements, like the fascist Iron Guard, found significant popular support and some official sympathy for their demand that the Jews of Romania be removed from alleged places of power and then expelled from Romania. However, their call for a social revolution against the political and economic establishment and their use of violent protest led to extreme hostility from the Romanian authorities. By 1938-1939, the Romanian police and the Iron Guard were locked in a state of virtual terrorist civil war.
After the negotiated retreat of Soviet troops, Romania, under the new leadership of Nicolae Ceauşescu, started to pursue independent policies, including the condemnation of the Soviet-led 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia (Romania being the only Warsaw Pact country not to take part in the invasion), the continuation of diplomatic relations with Israel after the Six-Day War of 1967 (again, the only Warsaw Pact country to do so), and the establishment of economic (1963) and diplomatic (1967) relations with the Federal Republic of Germany.[75] Also, close ties with the Arab countries (and the PLO) allowed Romania to play a key role in the Israel-Egypt and Israel-PLO peace processes by intermediating the visit of Sadat in Israel.[76] As Romania's foreign debt sharply increased between 1977 and 1981 (from 3 to 10 billion US dollars),[77] the influence of international financial organisations such as the IMF and the World Bank grew, conflicting with Nicolae Ceauşescu's autarchic policies. Ceauşescu eventually initiated a project of total reimbursement of the foreign debt (completed in 1989, shortly before his overthrow). To achieve this goal, he imposed policies that impoverished Romanians and exhausted the Romanian economy. He greatly extended the authority of the police state and imposed a cult of personality. These led to a dramatic decrease in Ceauşescu's popularity and culminated in his overthrow and execution in the bloody Romanian Revolution of 1989.
Seduced by Ceauşescu's "Independent" foreign policy, Western leaders were slow to turn against a regime that, by the late 1970s, had become increasingly arbitrary, capricious and harsh. Rapid economic growth fueled by foreign credits gradually gave way to wrenching austerity and severe political repression, which became increasingly draconian through the 1980s. During the 1947–1962 period, many people were arbitrarily killed or imprisoned for political, economic or unknown reasons:[78] detainees in prisons or camps, deported persons, persons under house arrest, and administrative detainees. There were hundreds of thousands of abuses, deaths and incidents of torture against a large range of people, from political opponents to ordinary citizens.[79] Between 60,000[80] and 80,000 political prisoners were detained as psychiatric patients and treated in some of the most sadistic ways by doctors.[81] It is estimated that, in total, two million people were direct victims of Communist repression in Romania.[82][83]


In the country:
the country folk experienced a more pleasant and less of a fear-filled life than the city folk due to their rare collisions with authority. As long as they stayed clear of the Iron Guard. There was little mingling between the cities and the farms and many jews (and other minority groups) took refuge in that. 

AFTER REVOLUTION
In the country:
"The country life here is quite difficult. To make a living, each family must utilize the products of their own work in agriculture and cattle breeding.During the summer, children and adults gather the hay. It is the winter provision of food for the cattle!"
I got this information from what seemed to be a first person recollection of a Romanian family hence the wonky grammar. Life in the country after the revolution was tough, families became self-sustaining with no one else to rely on. 

In the cities:

Life normalized for the citizens of the cities more or less after the revolution. there was still political unrest and some revolts but like any meaninglful change, it took a lengthy amount of time to execute. 

After the fall of Ceauşescu, the National Salvation Front (FSN), led by Ion Iliescu, took partial multi-party democratic and free market measures.[84][85] Several major political parties of the pre-war era, such as the National Christian Democrat Peasant's Party (PNŢCD), the National Liberal Party (PNL) and the Romanian Social Democrat Party (PSDR) were resurrected. After several major political rallies (especially in January), in April 1990, a sit-in protest contesting the results of the recently held parliamentary elections began inUniversity Square, Bucharest. The protesters accused the FSN of being made up of former Communists and members of the Securitate. The protesters did not recognize the results of the election, which they deemed undemocratic, and were asking for the exclusion from the political life of the former high-ranking Communist Party members. The protest rapidly grew to become an ongoing mass demonstration (known as the Golaniad). The peaceful demonstrations degenerated into violence, with some of the protesters attacking the police headquarters, national television station, and the Foreign Ministry.[86] After the police failed to bring the demonstrators to order, Ion Iliescu called on the "men of good will" to come and defend the State institutions in Bucharest.[87][88] Various worker groups from Romania's industrial platforms responded, some of whom engaged in altercations with the protesters. But the most visible and politically influential were the coal miners of the Jiu Valley. After representatives of the government met with leaders of the Jiu Valley coal miners union, thousands of miners were organized and arrived in Bucharest June 14, transported on special trains provided by key members of the government, one of them being the subsecretary of state for the Transport Ministry, the first (two time) suspended president of Romania, former communist party member, Traian Basescu.[86][89] Their violent intervention is remembered as the June 1990 Mineriad.
Presidential and parliamentary elections were held on May 20, 1990. Running against representatives of the re-established pre-war National Peasants' Party and National Liberal Party, and taking advantage of FSN's tight control of the national radio and television, Iliescu won 85% of the vote. The FSN secured two-thirds of the seats in Parliament. A university professor with strong family roots in the Communist Party, Petre Roman, was named prime minister of the new government, which consisted mainly of former communist officials. The government initiated modest free market reforms.

3.4.ii
- orphanages & adoption in Romania (can refer to Ceausescu's attitudes toward abortion as posted on the blog for some information about the increase in births/orphan crisis - please try to find specifics on gypsy/Hungarian/Romanian relations and how it effected adoption, if possible)

The standard of living for Romanian orphans is still grave despite vast improvements since their conditions were leaked to the West after the fall of the Communist government in 1989. A news report on the American newsmagazine 20/20, which first aired on October 5, 1990, was the first to show the conditions in full detail on television.[1]
Under Nicolae Ceauşescu, both abortion and contraception were forbidden, leading to a rise in birth rates.[2] This resulted in many children being abandoned and these were joined in the orphanages by disabled and mentally ill people. Together these vulnerable groups were subjected to institutionalised neglect and abuse, including physical and sexual abuse and use of drugs to control behaviour.

When entering west Europe they initially had letters of protection from the King of Hungary. This privileged situation did not last long as amazement at their way of life commonly led to hostilities. The Gypsy way of life still leads to hostilities from the people of their host nations. Europeans regard "private property" as sacrosanct, whereas gypsies do not have a word for "possess", which gives rise to two incompatible ways of life and a continual problem of gypsies being regarded as "thieves" from the European's view.
In each host nation gypsies appear to take on the religion, names and language of their hosts, but within the Rom they maintain their Romlanguage, names, music, customs and Indian looks. This tight community has meant that after some six hundred years there is still a large population of gypsies not integrated or assimilated with Romanians.
From the time of their arrival in Romania Gypsies were the slaves of the landowners, only to be emancipated in 1851. While in Romania some of the Gypsies took to speaking a version of Romanian called Bayesh which can be heard in some of the songs of Gypsy groups recorded in Hungary. Nowadays about 40% of the Gypsies still speak Romany and many can still be seen travelling in lines of carts along the roads of Romania. The majority live in the towns and villages, some fully integrated into villages, some in large ornate houses standing out from the Romanians, but others in small buildings on scraps of lands on the villages edges.

The gypsies took in a lot of these children that people didn't want at the time when abortion and contraception was illegal. These children became social outcasts but at least they had a home.



Interesting article:

the dates are slightly more modern but the attitude towards orphanages is well illustrated

3.4.iii
- Hungarian/Romanian relations (I know we touched on this in Part 1 - please make specific reference to marriage, ie: regarding Lucia and Ianos)


Relations between the two states date back from the Middle Ages. Until the end of World War I, Transylvania, Banat, Crişana andMaramureş were part of the Kingdom of Hungary, after the war they became part of the Romanian territory.
Hungary also has improved its often frosty neighborly relations by signing basic treaties with Romania, Slovakia, and Ukraine. These renounce all outstanding territorial claims and lay the foundation for constructive relations. However, the issue of ethnic Hungarian minority rights in Slovakia and Romania periodically causes bilateral tensions to flare up.

Hungarian-Romanian relations are foreign relations between Hungary and Romania. Relations between the two states date back from the Middle Ages. Both countries established diplomatic relations in 1920.
Hungary has an embassy in Bucharest, 3 general consulates (in Cluj-Napoca, Miercurea-Ciuc and Constanţa) and 2 honorary consulates (in Constanţa and Iaşi). Romania has an embassy in Budapest and two general consulates (in Gyula and Szeged). Both countries shares 443 km of common border. Both are full members of NATO and of the European Union.
Romania has developed strong relations with Hungary, with the latter playing a key role in supporting Romania's bid to join the EU. Romania's ethnic Hungarian party also participated in all the government coalitions between 1996 and 2008 and from 2009. In 1996, Romania signed and ratified a basic bilateral treaty with Hungary that settled outstanding disagreements, laying the foundation for closer, more cooperative relations.

After quashing the 1848 revolution, the Habsburg Empire imposed a repressive regime on Hungary and ruled Transylvania directly through a military governor. Habsburgs abolished the Unio Trium Nationum and granted citizenship to ethnic Romanians. However, in the compromise (Ausgleich) of 1867, which established the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the special status of Transylvania ended and it became a province under the control of the Kingdom of Hungary. Hungarian becomes the official language and a policy of Magyarizationis applied to the various ethnic groups in Transylvania.

Ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania define themselves as being Hungarian, Transylvanian and Romanian at the same time, and there is even a sense of pride about this fact[citation needed]. Many Hungarians living in Transylvania were disconcerted when the referendum held in Hungary in 2004 on the issue of giving dual-citizenship to ethnic Hungarians living abroad failed to receive enough electoral attendance and the vote was uncertain. Some of them complain that when they are in Hungary, they are perceived as half-Romanians, and are considered as having differences in language and behaviour. However, a large proportion of Transylvanian Hungarians currently work or study in Hungary, usually on a temporary basis. After 1996, Hungarian-Romanian economic relations boomed, and Hungary is an important investor in Transylvania, with many cross-border firms employing both Romanians and Hungarians

Marriage specific information - Since Hungarians had trouble obtaining status, marriage to one was made difficult by this. The state would at times not even acknowledge marriages that had Hungarian or gypsy spouses. They were considered ill-bred people.


More Research

Who are the Liberals?

The National Liberal Party is a Romanian political party that was founded in 1875. The party was dissolved by the Communist party in 1947 and was re-foundened in 1990. Supporting this political party at the time where Ceausescu was in power was very dangerous.They are focused on privatizion and denationalization of the economy; support neutrality of state with such issues like religion and morality.
                 http://www.pnl.ro/

What are 'The Provinces'?
Here are a couple of maps of Romania that outline the counties and provinces of the country.

How did Romanians feel about Nicolae versus Elena?
From my research, many people have stated that Elena was the worst of the two. Many believed that Elena was behind all of the irrational decisions including those of increasing the population.
''The idea that the wicked witch and her husband the bad tyrant were taken down simply by the people rising up is a fairy tale,'' said Mark P. Almond, an Oxford history professor who studies Romania.
The quest goes beyond historical curiosity. If Romanians found dignity in their revolution, said Cristian Tudor Popescu, editor of the newspaper Adevarul, ''we also have to gain the truth, because living under a lie while free is even less dignified than being prisoners under a lie.'
Source:
--C

Set Design pt.I

Stage Configuration: Arena
Structure: None
Mobile structures: Cajon drums, metalic poles, fabric
Floor: abstract scumbled paint with working in cool neutrals, and a rusted red.


we will construct the drums in such a way that they can be reconfigured anywhere on stage to create new scenes. we are working at creating vignettes within chaos. showing the crumbling instability of this environment.

The drums will be tuned differently to achieve a choral sound. some with snares!

The fabric and poles can be used as banners,  projected on(in certain areas of the stage), transformed into completely different props, rolled up like a scroll and revealed, used to blockade, curtain, and generally catch light in unique ways that wouldn't be available to us if we had a fixed set. Tres Excite, I know!

info on Cajones:
http://www.thecajondrumshop.com/index.php?page=How-To-Build-A-Cajon

More to come kidos. once we hammer out details I'll get some concept renderings scanned for yall. in 2 weeks i hope to have a prototype of each at least. and a build scheduled 1.5 weeks after that. if we have 10 people doing these pieces in an assembly line style it shouldn't take more than 2 days to build this or for those wondering about 20 hours. i thinking day 1 cut day 2 assemble/tune. day 3 jam in the grass and test these puppies!


XOXOXO,
Nestor M. Avalos

Wednesday, 29 August 2012

Iliescu's hand movements

In 3.5 Radu states "Have you noticed the way Iliescu moves his hands? And the words he uses?"

When Iliescu spoke he contstantly moved his right arm while his left was firmly at his side or grasping the corner of a desk. He would point, slash, wave his hands in all of his speeches much like that of Nicolae Ceausescu. 

Here is a video clip demonstrating Iliescu's hand movements:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lczbyzZruJo

I have also posted a link of Nicolae's last speech in which you can see the same hand movements. The best image starts at 3:50.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uv7-LVFgd8U

--C

The execution of Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu

I have found two very detailed video clips of the trial and execution of Nicolae and Elena. Warning: The second link contains graphic images of the execution. Although the cameraman was not able to record the actual shooting, you can see the dead bodies of Nicolae and Elena. 

The full trial can be found at the link below. I have only taken a few points but i urge you to read as much as the trial as possible.

They were charged with "Crimes against the people. They carried out acts that are incompatible with human dignity and social thinking; they acted in a despotic and criminal way; they destroyed the people whose leaders they claimed to be. ... The bill of indictment contains the following points: Genocide, in accordance with Article 356 of the penal code. Two: Armed attack on the people and the state power, in accordance with Article 163 of the penal code. The destruction of buildings and state institutions, undermining of the national economy, in accordance with Articles 165 and 145 of the penal code. They obstructed the normal process of the economy. " 

The final speech of the prosecutor follows:

PROSECUTOR: It is very difficult for us to act, to pass a verdict on people who even now do not want to admit to the criminal offenses that they have committed during 25 years and admit to the genocide, not only in Timisoara and Bucharest, but primarily also to the criminal offenses committed during the past 25 years. This demonstrates their lack of understanding. They not only deprived the people of heating, electricity, and foodstuffs, they also tyrannized the soul of the Romanian people. They not only killed children, young people and adults in Timisoara and Bucharest; they allowed Securitate members to wear military uniforms to create the impression among the people that the army is against them. They wanted to separate the people from the army. They used to fetch people from orphans' homes or from abroad whom they trained in special institutions to become murderers of their own people. You were so impertinent as to cut off oxygen lines in hospitals and to shoot people in their hospital beds. The Securitate had hidden food reserves on which Bucharest could have survived for months, the whole of Bucharest.

Whom are they talking about, Elena asks.

PROSECUTOR: ...  In 1947, King Michael showed more dignity than you. And you might perhaps have achieved the understanding of the Romanian people if you had now admitted your guilt. You should have stayed in Iran where you had flown to.

In response, the two laugh, and she says: We do not stay abroad. This is our home.

PROSECUTOR: Esteemed Mr. Chairman, I have been one of those who, as a lawyer, would have liked to oppose the death sentence, because it is inhuman. But we are not talking about people. I would not call for the death sentence, but it would be incomprehensible for the Romanian people to have to go on suffering this great misery and not to have it ended by sentencing the two Ceausescus to death. The crimes against the people grew year by year. They were only busy enslaving the people and building up an apparatus of power. They were not really interested in the people.
[Picture is cut off]

After an outage of transmission of Romanian television, the speaker announces the verdict in the trial of Elena and Nicolae Ceausescu is death sentence. All their property will be impounded.

Source: http://www.ceausescu.org/ceausescu_texts/revolution/trial-eng.htm

--C

Wednesday, 15 August 2012


Part 1: 
Architecture during Ceausescu’s rule revolved around demolition and rebuilding, rather than renovation.

Alcohol – No information found.

Power/Electricity – Electricity was rationed, so that more power could be supplied to large industry. Families had an allowance on 20kwh per month, and anything over that usage was taxed in exorbitant amounts. Blackouts occurred daily for sometimes 1 or 2 hours a day.

Doctor/Girl Student:
Helicopters were used for surveillance and also, Ceausescu fled via helicopter.

Helicopters did, in fact, drop pamphlets on the crowds asking them not to fall for diversions from the government, instead urging them to “go home and enjoy the Christmas feast”

Part 2:
Student 1 & 2:
Here are the lyrics for “Wake Up, Romanian.”

Wake up, Romanian from the sleep of death,
You've been sunken in by the barbarian tyrants!
Now or never, it's time to sew yourself a destiny,
All your enemies should adore!

Now or never, we have to demonstrate the world
that in our hands still flows Romanian blood
and we keep proudly one name in our breasts,
the glorious name of Traian!

Marvelous shadows, Mihai, Stefan, Corvine,
look at your successors - the Romanian nation!
With armed arms, with your fire in their veins,
they all shout: "Living in freedom, or death!".

Priests with the crucifix on their foreheads
a Christian army,
The motto is freedom and its aim is sacred.
We rather fall in fight, with unflawed glory
Than being slaves again on our own ancient place.


People infiltrated the People’s Palace and tossed propaganda books out of the windows, so this is historically accurate.

Girl Student:
A makeshift armband was often the only mark of allegiance to the revolution.

Securitate:
Poisoned water was part of the widespread paranoia following the instability caused by the Revolution.

Ceausescu instituted an austerity program in 1981 in order to help Romania pay off its national debt. As a result of this program, many basic needs such as heating, gas and food were rationed. My interpretation is that milk was one of the rationed items, and the champagne is purely celebratory.

Student 1:
It is a chant, closer to how it would sound in Spanish: Olé! In Spanish, it is considered a celebratory cheer.

Painter:
December 22 – Probably confrontations between revolutionaries and Ceausescu supporters. I can find no indication of terrorism.

PART 2


Girl Student:
- Union Place: In downtown Bucharest. Two major subway lines have intersect here. It is the site where Ceausescu planned his urbanization and, therefore, destroyed many of the historic buildings that were there in order to plan for his Civic Centre. Hospitals, churches and monasteries were demolished in order for new buildings.
- University Place: A place where people gather for celebrations as well as a rallying point where the country can come together during a time of crisis. Just underneath of it is a site for shopping and subway stations.
- provokers during the revolution (specific reference here is particularly useful): It was found that even people who were part of the communist government were the ones to rebel against it. People would claim they were of communist beliefs in order to better their home/family situations. They would have better job opportunities if they claimed to be communist because most jobs were government controlled. Of the whole 23 million people, 3 million were of the Communist party.

* I don’t have a specific reference but I will keep looking!

Student 2:
- "Jos Ceausescu" - means?: ‘Down with Ceausescu”
- where is Cluj? bit of information about it: Located in the western-central part of Romania. Population is 340,000. Also known as Cluj-Napoca. It contains the largest student population in Romania with several private universities.

Housepainter:
- tanks & shooting in relation to the events of Dec. 21:

Securitate:
- blood off the streets (painting tar over blood on the ground) - any reporting on this? photos? etc...: Still looking, haven’t found any photos that show this

Doctor:
- events of December 22
- 14 dead, 19 wounded - is this accurate? if not, what are the reported numbers? :  Based on a few articles that I found, I don’t think these numbers are accurate.

“Soon the 500 on the streets turned to 5,000. The Securitate tried desperately to drown the rebellion in blood. But on the 19 and 20 December the workers in the factories around Timisoara went on strike, some threatening to destroy their factories. Some 80,000 took to the streets, stole their first few arms and stood firm.”
''Some uniforms were found near the crematorium with bullet holes in the back,'' said Mihai Dragoi, a doctor who founded the Association of the Wounded and Heirs of the Martyrs of the Dec. 17 Revolution. ''But there is no wish to investigate these things.''
Dr. Dragoi was part of a 1994 panel that concluded that there were 10 unexplained deaths in hospitals. Strangers in medical garb were roaming the halls, and the one running elevator No. 5 in one hospital was suspected of killing patients.
Today Dr. Dragoi, 43, is one of the few Romanians who knows exactly who shot him. A former major admitted in a 1995 interview that he stood in the director's office of the government newspaper building and sniped at passers-by. ''I was scared,'' was his explanation. Dr. Dragoi, passing by, was hit in the leg and still limps.
The major was cashiered in 1995 and charged with shooting four people, one fatally. He retorted that he was sorry he had not aimed at their heads.
In Timisoara, 12 monuments mark spots where dozens died. Securitate men also took 44 bodies to the capital, cremated them and dumped the ashes in sewers.”
The total number of deaths in the Romanian Revolution was 1,104, of which 162 were in the protests that led to the overthrow of Nicolae Ceauşescu (16–22 December 1989) and 942 in the fighting that occurred after the seizure of power by the new political structure National Salvation Front (FSN). The number of wounded was 3,352, of which 1,107 occurred while Ceauşescu was still in power and 2,245 after the FSN took power.[13][14]

Housepainter:
- workers from the Industrial Platforms - who? significance?: After Ceausescu was killed, a new government and leader needed to be found. The country was still in turmoil and more demonstrations and rallies were taking place. A man named Ion Iliescu was, more or less, in charge and he called on some of the people of Romania to defend the State institutions of Bucharest and to help the police to keep order at these rallies and protests.. These included men from the ‘Industrial Platforms’ (industrial line of work: welders, tradesmen, etc)

Doctor:
General of Army killed himself - is this accurate? any reports on this? if not, anything similar? : I couldn’t find anything to validate this.

“Ştefan Guşă or Guşe (April 17, 1940 – March 28, 1994) was a Romanian general who was the Chief of the General Staff of the Romanian Armed Forces between 1986 and 1989.”

Girl Student:
- "...flag with the hole cut out of it..." - is also referenced in part 3 in Rodica's dream (someone comes in with his head through the hole) - common symbol of the revolution? significance?: The Romanian flag was the three colours of blue, yellow and red with a communist coat of arms in the middle of it. During the revolution, protestors would wave the flag after ripping/cutting/removing the communist coat of arms to show their lack of support for Ceausescu and communism.

Securitate: 
- army - to the side of the people? Army/Securitate relations/tensions?:  Still looking for this one but I found an interesting article regarding the Securitate. Here’s the link:





Tuesday, 14 August 2012

Part 2 various research

Radu and art

He graduated from the University of Drama and Film in Bucharest, 1984 and had over 20 years of artistic activity in Romania as well as in Europe, America, Asia and Africa. He was the Artistic Director of the first project in Romania of art therapy for abandoned children in orphanages. The project, started in 1993, was developed in eight cities over six years.

Day-by-day history of the Romanian Revolution

15 December 1989Father Laszlo Tokes speaks out publicly against Ceausescu in the town of Timisoara. Backed by thousands, the riot police arrived to try and remove Tokes and disperse the crowd. A noisy, and at times bloody, battle ensued in the streets
16 December 1989Relative calm, as the Securitate and the army were called in to restore order. The United States State Department reacts with, "It looks like Romania's time may have finally come" although the majority of the world still believed that Ceausescu will successfully maintain control 
17 December 1989 A huge crowd amassed in Timisoara. The crowd became aggressive and marched on the Communist Headquarters at city hall. The demonstration was severely anti-government, as portraits of Ceausescu were burned and thrown from the building. The army used tanks, tear gas and water cannons against the crowd 
18 December 1989 The Executive Political Committee in Bucharest ordered the army to begin firing real bullets into the demonstrators. Civilian casualties ran high in Timisoara and the dead were collected by the army and either thrown in mass graves or burned 
19 December 1989 The resistance continued in western Romania, and the death count rose. The United States condemned the Romanian government for the use of "brutal force". It is believed that some of the army began to switch over to the side of the demonstrators on this day, although that is unconfirmed 
20 December 1989 Negotiators from Bucharest were sent to Timisoara, but really only to buy time so that new elite troops could arrive to "crush the rebellion". The Securitate continued firing on demonstrators in the street.Ceausescu arrived home from a visit to Iran and proclaimed martial law. He also blamed the uprising on Hungarian Fascists 
21 December 1989 Ceausescu addresses a crowd in Bucharest in a televised speech. Unexpectedly, the crowd became violent and tried to break police lines. A violent clash ensued in which at least 13 youths were killed.
Protests began breaking out all over the capitol, and the police began arresting these demonstrators. The crowds refused to disperse and the police used gunfire and armoured cars against the people 
22 December 1989 Even more demonstrators began to reassemble early in the morning. Huge crowds were locked in a standoff with the army in the main square of Bucharest. Reports of dissidence between Ceausescu and his army caused the crowd to start chanting, "The army is with us!" The crowd offered the soldiers cigarettes and flowers and the battle seemed to be shifting to one between the army and Ceausescu's security police. In a last ditch effort, Ceausescu tried to speak from a balcony, but was shouted down. He and his wife fled the capital and made plans to leave Romania 
23 December 1989 The fighting and brutality escalated in the streets, as confusion reigned. Some of the army had switched over to the side of the people and continued to battle security forces. Ceausescu and his wife were captured and returned to Bucharest. Ion Iliescu emerged as a leader of the National Front and made a list of demands on the government  
24 December 1989 The army continued to battle and gain on the Securitate in Bucharest. The National Front claimed control of the revolution and established a provisional government. Uncertainty and terror still prevailed in the streets, although it is known that the Ceausescus' were tried and shot in a very speedy trial 
25 December 1989 The Ceausescu's bodies were exhibited on TV, marking "the end" of these initial stages of revolution. Ceausescu was described as unapologetic and refused to recognise the decision of the courts. Despite this, fighting continued both in the capitol and in Timisoara. It is unclear when complete order was restored and even more unclear when Romania was able to regroup after these 11 days of revolution.
Taken from: Christman, Jonathan, comp. Day-by-Day History of the Romanian Revolution Theatre Resources. 16 Oct. 1998. Wake Forest University.

Craiova (Romanian pronunciation: [kraˈjova]), Romania's 6th largest city and capital of Dolj County, is situated near the east bank of the river Jiu in central Oltenia. It is a longstanding political center, and is located at approximately equal distances from theSouthern Carpathians (north) and the River Danube (south). Craiova is the chief commercial city west of Bucharest and the most important city of Oltenia. The city prospered as a regional trading centre despite an earthquake in 1790, a plague in 1795, and a Turkish assault in 1802 during which it was burned.

**  the Callea Vittoria** could not find info.

Passports:

Under communism, relatively few Romanians had the right to hold passports and travel outside their country. After the Romanian Revolution of December 1989, when dictator Nicolae Ceausescu was overthrown and executed, the country embarked on a multiparty democracy and restrictions on travel outside Romania loosened considerably. Since Romania became a member of the European Union (EU) along with Bulgaria, in January 2007, any Romanian can travel with just a valid national ID card (carte d'identité), no passport or visa, to all 25 EU member states. However, the flow of impoverished Romanian workers is still restricted in the EU's ten richest countries, restrictions the EU will allow to remain in place until 2013.

Read more: Passport Requirements for Romania | eHow.com http://www.ehow.com/about_5166864_passport-requirements-romania.html#ixzz23afhdNCQ

Ceauşescu's Speech

Protesters in Cluj-Napoca on the morning of 21 December. This photo was taken minutes before security forces opened fire.
On the morning of 21 December Ceauşescu addressed an assembly of approximately 100,000 people, to condemn the uprising in Timişoara. Party officials took great pains to make it appear that Ceauşescu was still immensely popular. Several busloads of workers, under threat of being fired, arrived in Bucharest's Piaţa Palatului (Palace Square, now Piaţa Revoluţiei – Revolution Square) and given red flags, banners and large pictures of Ceauşescu. They were augmented by several bystanders who were rounded up on Calea Victoriei.[2]
In a speech laden with the usual Marxist-Leninist "wooden language", spurting out pro-socialist and Communist Party rhetoric, Ceauşescu delivered a litany of the achievements of the "socialist revolution" and Romanian "multi-laterally developed socialist society". He blamed the Timişoara uprising on "fascist agitators."
However, Ceauşescu was out of touch with his people and completely misread the crowd's mood. The people remained unresponsive, and only the front rows supported Ceauşescu with cheers and applause. Eight minutes into the speech, some in the crowd actually began to jeer, boo, whistle and utter insults at him--a reaction considered unthinkable for most of Ceauşescu's rule. Workers from a Bucharest power plant started chanting "Ti-mi-şoa-ra! Ti-mi-şoa-ra!"--a chant that was soon picked up by others in the crowd. In response, Ceauşescu raised his right hand in hopes of silencing the crowd; his stunned expression remains one of the defining moments of the end of Communism in Eastern Europe. He then tried to placate the crowd by offering to raise workers' salaries by 100 lei per month (about 9 US dollars at the time, yet a 5–10% raise for a modest salary) and student scholarships from 100 to 110 lei while continuing to praise the achievements of the Socialist Revolution. However, a revolution was brewing right in front of his eyes.[2]
As he was addressing the crowd from the balcony of the Central Committee building, sudden movement came from the outskirts of the massed assembly, as did the sound of (what various sources have reported as) fireworks, bombs, or guns, which together caused the assembly to break into chaos. Initially frightened, the crowds tried to disperse. Bullhornsthen began to spread the news that the Securitate was firing on the crowd and that a "revolution" was unfolding. This persuaded people in the assembly to join in. The rally turned into a protest demonstration.
The entire speech was being broadcast live around Romania, and it is estimated that perhaps 76% of the nation was watching. Censors attempted to cut the live video feed, and replace it with Communist propaganda songs and video praising the Ceauşescu regime, but parts of the riots had already been broadcast and most of the Romanian people realized that something unusual was in progress.
Ceauşescu and his wife, as well as other officials and CPEx members, panicked, and Ceauşescu's bodyguard hustled him back inside the building.
The jeers and whistles soon erupted into riot; the crowd took to the streets, placing the capital, like Timişoara, in turmoil. Members of the crowd spontaneously began shouting anti-Ceauşescu slogans, which spread and became chants: "Jos dictatorul!" ("Down with the dictator"), "Moarte criminalului!" ("Death to the criminal"), "Noi suntem poporul, jos cu dictatorul!" ("We are the People, down with the dictator"), "Ceauşescu cine eşti?/Criminal din Scorniceşti" ("Ceauşescu, who are you? A criminal from Scorniceşti").
Protesters eventually flooded the downtown area, from Piaţa Kogălniceanu to Piaţa Unirii, Piaţa Rosetti, and Piaţa Romană. In one notable scene from the event, a young man waved a tricolour with the Communist coat of arms torn out of its centre, while perched on the statue of Mihai Viteazul on Boulevard Mihail Kogălniceanu in the University Square. Many others began to emulate the young protester, and the waving and displaying of the Romanian flag with the Communist insignia cut out quickly became widespread.

[edit]Street confrontations

As the hours passed, many more people took to the streets. Later, observers claimed that even at this point, had Ceauşescu been willing to talk, he might have been able to salvage something. Instead, he decided on force.[2] Soon the protesters – unarmed and unorganized – were confronted by soldiers, tanks, TABs, USLA troops (Unitatea Specială pentru Lupta Antiteroristă, anti-terrorist special squads), and armed plain-clothes Securitate officers. The crowd was soon being shot at from various buildings, side streets, and tanks.
There were many casualties, including deaths, as victims were shot, clubbed to death, stabbed, and crushed by armored vehicles (one TAB drove into the crowd around theInterContinental Hotel, crushing people – a French journalist, Jean Louis Calderon, was killed; a street near University Square was later named after him, as well as a high school in Timişoara). Firefighters hit the demonstrators with powerful water jets and the police continued to beat and arrest people. Protesters managed to build a defensible barricade in front of Dunărea ("Danube") restaurant, which stood until after midnight, but was finally torn apart by government forces. Intense continuous shooting continued until after 3:00 am, by which time the survivors had fled the streets.
Records of the fighting that day include footage shot from helicopters – sent to raid the area and to record evidence for eventual reprisals – as well as by tourists in the high tower of the centrally located InterContinental Hotel, next to the National Theater and across the street from the University.
It is likely that in the early hours of 22 December the Ceauşescus made their second mistake. Instead of fleeing the city under cover of night, they decided to wait until morning to leave. Ceauşescu must have thought that his desperate attempts to crush the protests had succeeded, because he apparently called another meeting for the next morning. However, before 7:00 am, his wife Elena received the news that large columns of workers from many industrial platforms (large communist-era factories or groups of factories concentrated into industrial zones) were heading towards downtown Bucharest to join the protests. The police barricades that were meant to block access to Piaţa Universităţii(University Square) and Palace Square proved useless. By 9:30 am, University Square was jammed with protesters. Security forces (army, police and others) re-entered the area, only to join with the protesters.
By 10 am, as the radio broadcast was announcing the introduction of martial law and of a ban on groups larger than five persons, yet hundreds of thousands of people were gathering for the first time, spontaneously, in central Bucharest (the previous day's crowd had come together at Ceauşescu's orders). Ceauşescu attempted to address the crowd from the balcony of the Central Committee of the Communist Party building, but his attempt was met with a wave of disapproval and anger. Helicopters spread manifestos (which did not reach the crowd, due to unfavourable winds) instructing people not to fall victim to the latest "diversion attempts," but to go home instead and enjoy the Christmas feast. This order, which drew unfavorable comparisons to Marie Antoinette's haughty (but apocryphal) "Let them eat cake", further infuriated the people who did read the manifestos; many people at that time had trouble procuring such basic foodstuffs as cooking oil.

Intercontinental Hotel - prestigious hotel located in bucharest

The securiate:

The Securitate was set up in 1948 by the communist regime as a Soviet-style secret political police entrusted with the task of eliminating opponents in order to consolidate power, ensuring compliance to the regime and its leader, as well as shaping public sentiment and gaining acceptance for public policies. The structure had two main departments, charged with conducting operations within and outside the country, respectively. Over the years, the Securitate’s methods, goals and personnel changed. While from 1948 to 1964 uneducated and brutal officers engaged in summary executions, illegal house arrests, imprisonment and deportations, after Ceausescu became the country’s ruler the Securitate preferred a more subtle control of the population that no longer aimed to physically annihilate dissenters but instead publicly discredited them or encouraged them to emigrate.

The political police employed some 14,000 full-time agents and 400,000-700,000 part-time informers selected from all walks of life. Official figures suggest that on 22 December 1989 the Securitate had 13,275 officers and 984 civilian personnel, but the figures fail to mention the percentage of Securitate troops engaged in counter-espionage activities conducted outside the country.[3] The number of full-time agents varied over the years, according to the needs of the political police. On 11 February 1948 there were 3,549 employees, of whom 64 percent were workers, 4 percent peasants, 2 percent intellectuals and 28 percent clerks. Eight years later the Securitate troops reached 72,697, including 7,865 officers, 5,306 sergeants, 1,565 civilians and 57,961 high school graduates drafted for up to a year and a half long military service. In April 1977 the Securitate boasted a total of 20,297 agents at the rank of army officers, of whom 13,397 were engaged in permanent missions and 6,900 could be drafted for occasional special missions, while six years later it included 1,389 officers, 968 sub-officers, 574 civilians and 20,459 young recruits—young men who just finished high-school or university and were neither Securitate civilians, nor officers—to a grand total of 23,381 individuals.[4] Some 90 percent of Securitate agents were Communist Party members.[5] According to documents Constantin (“Ticu”) Dumitrescu obtained in 1993, the political police had 507,003 informers, but archival evidence confirmed the involvement of only 486,000. Of these 29,613 were Nazi sympathizers, 10,367 members of the inter-war Peasant and Liberal Parties, and 2,753 former political prisoners. Demographically, 241,932 were sixty and older, 145,294 between forty and sixty, 81,572 between thirty and forty, and 17,995 under thirty years of age. The number of active informers fluctuated over time, depending on the domestic and international political situation, but steadily increased from 73,000 in 1968 to 144,289 in 1989. Following an undated socio-economic analysis of 3,007 new informers, 39 percent had university and 37 percent had high school education, 18 percent were engineers and researchers, 17 percent were professionals, 19 percent were public servants, and 32 percent army officers, workers or peasants.[6]

Rosetti PLace : 

Constantin Alexandru Rosetti (Romanian pronunciation: [konstanˈtin alekˈsandru roˈseti]; 2 June 1816 – 8 April 1885) was a Romanianliterary and political leader, born in Bucharest into a Phanariot Greek family of Italian origin.
In 1845, Rosetti went to Paris, where he met Alphonse de Lamartine, the patron of the Society of Romanian Students in Paris. In 1847, he married Mary Grant, the sister of the English consul to Bucharest, Effingham Grant. The consul was married to Zoia Racoviţă, the daughter of Alexandru Racoviţă; the Grant Bridge (Podul Grant) near Gara de Nord in Bucharest is named after him.
Rosetti took part in the Wallachian Revolution of 1848. He was among the first arrested by Prince Gheorghe Bibescu, who accused Rosetti of plotting to kill him. After the provisional government came to power on 11 June 1848, he held the post of chief of police. He was also the editor of the first newspaper of the Muntenian revolution, Pruncul Român. He served with Nicolae Bălcescu,Alexandru G. Golescu and Ion C. Brătianu as a secretary of the Provisional Government until the end of June. In August, he was appointed director of the Ministry of the Interior.
After the bloody crushing of the revolution on 13 September 1848, Rosetti was arrested along with the other leaders of the revolution. His wife's intervention was crucial in their release. Rosetti, along with the Brătianu brothers, Bălcescu, and others, went into exile in France. While in France, he published a review favouring the creation of a national unitary state.
In 1861, he returned to Romania, and was elected deputy, and in 1866 was minister of public instruction. Between 15 and 16 July 1866, he was the temporary Prime Minister of Romania.
He supported the deposition of Alexander John Cuza in 1866. He headed the Chamber of Deputies in 1877, and was Minister of the Interior between 1881 and 1882.
A street (Strada C. A. Rosetti) and a square (Piaţa Rosetti) in central Bucharest are named after him, as well as a high school.

The military 
The armed forces, which had a history of intervention in politics before the advent of communist power, have been the only plausible threat to Ceausescu's rule since the late 1960s. He has frequently rotated cadres within the Ministry of National Defense and the top military command positions to prevent the emergence of strong, politically independent military leaders. And he has unceremoniously fired senior officers and promoted ambitious lowerranking officers to higher posts, thereby using his patronage to command their loyalty.
In 1971 forty general staff officers were purged and arrested, conceivably for plotting to overthrow Ceausescu. In May 1974, Ceausescu unexpectedly purged five senior commanders and in 1976 suddenly dismissed General Ion Ionita, his long-time political ally. Rumors of anti-Ceausescu conspiracies or attempted revolts within the military circulated freely in Romania in the 1980s. In 1983 an abortive military coup d'état was reportedly crushed and twelve officers were executed for plotting it. Ceausescu then made his brother Ilie a lieutenant general and appointed him deputy minister of national defense and chief of the Higher Political Council of the Army to increase his control of the armed forces. Later in 1983, Ceausescu spent considerable energy visiting military units, apparently in an effort to reaffirm his credentials as supreme commander of the armed forces. Ceausescu's handling of this alleged revolt amply demonstrated his mastery of the mechanisms of party and personal control over the armed forces, which has enabled him to eliminate potential threats before they become organized challenges.
Whether rumored military revolts were confirmed or not, the professional military had real grievances with the PCR and the Ceausescu regime. Many of Ceausescu's military policies contradicted some basic interests of the officer corps, diminished its professional status, and served as potential sources of political and military friction. Some officers opposed Ceausescu's policy of confrontation with the Soviet Union because it denied the armed forces access to more sophisticated Soviet weapons and equipment as well as military assistance. Romanian officers might have been willing to accept a less independent military policy in return for a larger supply of higher-quality arms from the Soviet Union. The officer corps probably chafed at Ceausescu's reductions in the country's defense budget as well as the extensive use of armed forces personnel in domestic construction projects, which had a negative impact on military training and readiness. Ceausescu's habit of manipulating high-level military promotions to further his political interests and suddenly dismissing top military commanders also annoyed professional officers.
The importance ascribed to the Patriotic Guards in Romania's military doctrine and strategy served to undermine the prestige and professional autonomy of the regular armed forces. With its emphasis on the employment of irregular paramilitary and guerrilla detachments, War of the Entire People required the Ministry of National Defense to cooperate closely with the Patriotic Guards and supply them with equipment. The latter's requirement for relatively large quantities of low-technology, low-cost arms conflicted with the former's desire for smaller numbers of more advanced weapons and equipment. Although the Ministry of National Defense had to share its budget and resources with the Patriotic Guards, it exercised less than full control over them. The considerable independence of the Patriotic Guards led Western analysts to conclude that they were established, at least partially, to serve as a rival armed force counterbalancing the regular armed forces.
Data as of July 1989