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Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Tuesday, 11 September 2012

Amy's Part 2


Abbatoir: a slaughterhouse; from French abbatre, meaning to strike down

Terroristi
The term “terrorist” was applied to those who were still loyal to the communist government during the revolution. Often applied to members of the Securitate who sprayed a protesting crowed with bullets, killing 100 people. It was rumoured that 1,000/10,000/60,000 were killed the night of December 16/17, 1989. It is suggested that this was a last ditch attempt to scare away protestors to maintain Ceausescu’s rule. But Ceausescu fled after this failed.
The Romanian Anticommunist Revolution and the Terrorists
This mysterious figure, which was rather a figment of irrational thought, gave free reign to the imagination. According to one conspiracy theory, the secret about the terrorists is well kept by only a handful of important people with a hidden agenda. Romanians are divided over the existence of terrorists: some believe they existed, others that it was all a set-up to benefit the new power.



But was the profile of the Romanian revolution terrorist? He was generally believed to be an educated, black-haired man of athletic build and average height. He allegedly owned sophisticated weapons, disguising and diversion equipment and all kinds of electronic devices like transmission and reception equipment, weapons simulators and infrared devices.

According to some people in the military, about 100 people believed to be terrorists were captured and handed over to the superiors but later released. Those people were suspected of being members of two divisions created to fight behind the frontline in the event of an invasion within the army and the Securitate secret police known as “R” and “S”, respectively. The only viable explanation is that the members of these two groups were ordered to act, as a last-resort solution.

In 1989, Andrei Banc was a TV journalist. He lived close to the University Square, a place that saw some of the heated moments of the revolution. In 1999, he told the Oral History Centre of the Romanian Radio Broadcasting Revolution of something that struck him during the shooting::

Andrei Banc: “I could hear intermittent sound of machine gun fire and I saw people lying on the ground for cover at the corner of the National Theatre, but the odd thing was that there was no sound of bullets flying past. I should have been able to hear the bullets going through the air or hitting the walls. I went to where all the people were lying and stayed there for a while, and I thought it had to have been a simulator, it couldn’t have been a machine gun, because you couldn’t hear the sound of bullets. I looked up but couldn’t see any weapon firing from a window. People had already started to talk about simulators. I made my way home carrying several loaves of bread. My flat was 50 meters away. My wife was waving at me desperately, but I was walking on unruffled. People were shouting at me to lie down, it was absolutely hallucinating, that machine gun seemed to never cease firing, it went on firing even after I reached my flat and went out on the balcony.”

A participant in the events at Palace Square career officer Valentin Gabrielescu also recalled the strange things that happened back then.

Valentin Gabrielescu: “I witnessed the terrorist attack on the Central Committee. There was no terrorist, no shots were fired at the Central Committee. I stood by the window all night long, the windows were large and the light was on. And nobody shot at me! The walls were not hit. As a career military man, I can tell where shots are fired from. These paratroopers and soldiers were all firing at the terrorists that had allegedly taken over the Royal Palace, but there were no terrorists there. Some people climbed on top of the museum, to raise a flag. I then recognised Ion Caramitru, I knew he was an actor. He was shouting: ‘Stop firing. Stop firing! There is no terrorist here’. I approached the soldiers and paratroopers who were firing their guns like crazy. I told one of them: son, who are you firing at, for God’s sake? It was already dark. He answered: I’m firing at the terrorists. Did you see any terrorist, I asked? You are a paratrooper, a well-trained soldier. Bullets are for human targets. Who are you firing at right now? The Royal Palace? I went to talk to the officer and told him: captain, stop firing. He said he could not control them”.

No conclusion could be drawn as to the existence of terrorists. But what is unarguable is that the revolution victims cannot be blamed only on the void of power caused by the toppling of Ceausescu, on the generalised state of confusion or on misfortune. In the end, the truth regarding the involvement of terrorists in the Romanian revolution might turn out to be rather ordinary and therefore hard to accept.
The Securitate
Securitate still around under Romanian Intelligence Service?
It is still not known precisely how many Romanians were employed by the Securitate, partly as a consequence of the lack of material released since the collapse of Communism. Deletant estimates that from a population of 23 million people in 1989, available records indicate total DSS personnel of 38, 682.Virgil Magureanu, director of the SRI (Serviciul Roman de Informatii), which wasformed on 26 March 1990 as the successor to the Securitate, estimates that in 1989 total Securitate personnel totalled only 14, 259, although this figure does not include those engaged in activities outside Romania, and Lavinia Stan suggests the continuity of influence between the Securitate and the SRI means that these figures cannot be trusted. The variance in figures between Magureanu and Deletant illustrates a long running debate over just how many individuals were employed by the Securitate. What is further unknown were how many people were hired to act as informers to the secret police, although this figure is considered to be extensive: Deletant simply categorises ‘tens of thousands of informers’ whom the Securitate, ‘by exploiting fear, was able to recruit’. It has been estimated that by the 1980s as many as one in every 30 Romanians was working as a Securitate informant.
The Securitate’s own records claimed that 97 percent of all informers were recruited voluntarily because of their ‘political and patriotic sentiment’, 1.5 percent were recruited through offers of financial compensation, and 1.5 percent through the use of blackmail with compromising evidence’.Frankly such statistics are farcical. Lavinia Stan estimates that between 400,000-700,000 part time informers were ‘employed’ by the Securitate and the chances of 97 percent of these being loyal to the regime is highly unlikely considering the low living standards and repressive policies in place under Ceausescu. Similar to the East German Stasi, fear was an essential method of recruitment employed by the Securitate, with threats and blackmail routinely used to coerce informants. It is likely that people dared not refuse the ‘offer’ of informing out of fear that they too would end up on the Securitate black list, marked as an ‘enemy’ or opponent of the state. The consequences could be serious; for example, World War Two veteran George Marzanca refused to collaborate with the Securitate and within a month he had been arrested and sentenced to four years imprisonment, on spurious grounds. In reality then there was often little real ‘choice’ in the matter; so perhaps it is little wonder that many people ‘willingly’ accepted informant status (Lavinia Stan, Inside the Securitate Archives).
The targeting of ethnic Hungarians in a town called Dej met with initial opposition from Laszlo Tokes, who was a pastor with the Hungarian Reformed Church. Tokes gained widespread support within his parish and as a result he was soon targeted by the Securitate. Tokes and his friends were placed under constant surveillance and subject to daily harassment until pressure on the clergy eventually led to Tokes removal and enforced ‘deportation’ to a village 40 kilometers from Dej, in 1982 . The example of Tokes is telling in a number of respects: demonstrating the use of extensive coercion by Securitate agents; illustrating the lengths to which the regime would go to get rid of an opponent and exemplifying the power of the state over the Reformed Church; as members of the clergy could be forced to denounce their staff at the will of the party.

The case of Tokes further highlights the use of intimidation, brutality and terror tactics by the Securitate. A second attempt to deport Tokes was issued on 20 October 1989; this time he was ordered to leave the town of Timisoara, where he had been reluctantly appointed after the involvement of the US senate. After his refusal, on 2 November, four attackers armed with knives broke into the flat, ‘while Securitate agents looked on’. Fortunately Tokes survived thanks to his friends fighting the attackers off, but this instance indicates the willingness of the Securitate to tolerate state sanctioned murder. The second attempt to deport Tokes was met by a united public outcry from both Romanians and Hungarians.
In the trial… The prosecutor Gica Popo also demanded to know who gave the order to shoot in the Timisoara uprising, and surprisingly Elena and Nicolae blame the Securitate, accusing them of being ‘terrorists’ who killed indiscriminately;  they also deny being in charge of the Securitate,  although it was common knowledge that the Ceausescus’ had authorised their acts of terror. Following a hurried trial by military tribunal, both Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu were sentenced to immediate execution via firing squad.

Transcript of Ceaucescu’s Trial

December 22 – Defence minister ordered army to stand down. He was killed by the Securitate, it is believed. The army sided with revolutionaries.
Excerpts from a NY Times Article
“Dr. Dragoi was part of a 1994 panel that concluded that there were 10 unexplained deaths in hospitals. Strangers in medical garb were roaming the halls, and the one running elevator No. 5 in one hospital was suspected of killing patients.
Today Dr. Dragoi, 43, is one of the few Romanians who knows exactly who shot him. A former major admitted in a 1995 interview that he stood in the director's office of the government newspaper building and sniped at passers-by. ''I was scared,'' was his explanation. Dr. Dragoi, passing by, was hit in the leg and still limps.
The major was cashiered in 1995 and charged with shooting four people, one fatally. He retorted that he was sorry he had not aimed at their heads.”
“Someone, Mr. Brucan now believes, ordered the secret sniper units that Ceausescu had formed into action. Mr. Dinescu said he later saw hotel rooms with guns and food hidden in the walls, and light poles rigged with machine-gun simulators.
Ceausescu fled north, stopping at a lakeside villa so his wife could grab jewelry. His pilot, who is now dead, either pretended mechanical problems or said antiaircraft radar was tracking them. They landed near Tergoviste, had a bodyguard hijack two cars and sought safety at a government nursery, but they were arrested by the army.”
“On Dec. 25, a tape of the trial shows, an arrogant Ceausescu pounded the table and his wife broke down. Then their hands were tied for execution, but not their bodies.
The indiscriminate shooting continued, so the next night the bullet-riddled bodies were put on display. By the next morning, the shooting faded away.
''That,'' said Mr. Brucan, ''was the proof of the pudding,'' and virtually the only certainty left by a revolution that continues to haunt Romania.”


Still on the hunt for:
-confirmation of 7:00 radio station take over
-poisoned food or water (mentioned by NY Times article - people screaming into cameras that food and water had been poisoned - yet I have not found any other material to support this yet)
-possible Securitate activities on December 25th
-any regulation of alcohol during revolution (probably not)

Interesting Article

This is not a part of my research, but I found this article really interesting. It mostly talks about the aftermath of the revolution and the shame or cowardly attitude some Romanians try to challenge when talking about the Revolution and who actually won.

http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/5d198e48-e45c-11de-a0ea-00144feab49a.html#axzz26AudHgBE

Thursday, 9 August 2012

Videos of the Revolution

Here is a link to a YouTube channel that compiles videos regarding the revolution. It also lists related channels.

Take a peek around - there may be something useful here for you or you may find something that you can repost along with an article or research. At the very least, it will give you an idea about the social and political climate at the time.

http://www.youtube.com/channel/HCO7Mzeq7u1Uw

Megalomania and Industrialization


Popular Opinion of Ceausescu

"In his early years in power, Ceauşescu was genuinely popular, both at home and abroad. Agricultural goods were abundant, consumer goods began to reappear, there was a cultural thaw, and, most importantly abroad, he spoke out against the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. While his reputation at home soon paled, he continued to have uncommonly good relations with Western governments and with institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and World Bank because of his independent political line. Romania under Ceauşescu maintained and sometimes improved diplomatic and other relations with, among others, West Germany, Israel, China, Albania, Pinochet's Chile, all for various reasons on the outs with Moscow. However, even at the start, reproductive freedom was severely restricted."
(*how does this influence the opinion of Ceausescu of the different generations in the play?)

Industrialization and Architecture

"Ceauşescu's Romania continued to pursue Gheorghiu-Dej's policy of industrialization, but still produced few goods of a quality suitable for the world market. Also, after a visit to North Korea, Ceauşescu developed a megalomaniacal vision of completely remaking the country; this became known as systematization. A significant portion of the capital, Bucharest, was torn down to make way for the Casa Poporului (now House of Parliament) complex and Centrul Civic (Civic Center), but the December 1989 Revolution left much of the huge complex unfinished, such as a new National Library and the National Museum of History. During the huge demolitions in the 1980s, this area was popularly called "Ceauşima" - a bitter satirical allusion of Ceauşescu and Hiroshima.
Prior to the mid-1970s, Bucharest, as most other cities, was developed by expanding the city, especially towards the south, east and west, by building high density dormitory neighborhoods at the outskirts of the city, some (such as Drumul Taberei) of architectural and urban planning value. Conservation plans were made, especially during the 1960s and early 1970s, but all was halted, after Ceauşescu embarked on what is known as "The Small Cultural Revolution" ("Mica revoluţie culturală"), after visiting North Korea and the People's Republic of China and then delivering a speech known as the July Theses.
The big earthquake of 1977 shocked Bucharest, many buildings collapsed, and many others were weakened. This was the backdrop that led to a policy of large-scale demolition which affected monuments of historical significance or architectural masterpieces such as the monumental Vǎcǎreşti Monastery (1722), the "Sfânta Vineri" (1645) and "Enei" (1611) Churches, the Cotroceni (1679) and Pantelimon (1750) Monasteries, the art deco "Republic's Stadium" (ANEF Stadium, 1926). Even the Palace of Justice - built by Romania's foremost architect, Ion Mincu, was scheduled for demolition in early 1990, according to the systematisation papers. Yet another tactic was abandoning and neglecting buildings and bringing them into such a state that they would require being torn down.
Thus, the policy towards the city after the earthquake was not one of reconstruction, but one of demolition and building anew. Post-earthquake estimates commissioned by the office of the city's mayor judged that only 23 buildings were beyond repair, none of them of any historic value. An analysis by the Union of Architects, commissioned in 1990, claims that over 2000 buildings were torn down, with over 77 of very high architectural importance, most of them in good condition. Even Gara de Nord (the city's main train station), listed on the Romanian Architectural Heritage List, was scheduled to be torn down and replaced in early 1992."

Rationing

"In the 1980s, Ceauşescu became simultaneously obsessed with repaying Western loans and with building himself a palace of unprecedented proportions, along with an equally grandiose neighborhood, Centrul Civic, to accompany it. These led to a shortage of available goods for the average Romanian. By 1984, despite high crop yield and food production, food rationing was introduced on a wide scale (the government promoted it as "a means to reduce obesity" and "rational eating"). Bread, milk, butter, cooking oil, sugar, pork, beef, chicken, and in some places even potatoes were rationed in most of Romania by 1989, with rations being made smaller every year (by 1989, a person could legally buy only 10 eggs per month, half to one loaf of bread per day, depending on the place of residence, or 500 grams of any kind of meat). Most of what was available were export rejects, as most of the quality goods were exported, even underpriced, in order to obtain hard currency, either to pay the debt, or to push forward in the ever-growing pursuits of heavy industrialisation.
Romanians became accustomed to "tacâmuri de pui" (chicken wings, claws and so on), mixed cooking oil (mostly unrefined, dark, soy oil, of the poorest grade), "Bucureşti Salami" (consisting of soy, bonemeal, offal and pork lard), ersatz coffee (made of corn), oceanic fish and sardines as a meat replacement, cheese mixed with starch or flour, untasty juices as Cil-Cola or Cireşica. Even these products were in very scarce supply, with queues whenever such products were available. All quality products, such as Sibiu and Victoria Salami, high- and mid-grade meats, and Dobrudja peaches were designated as "export-only", and were available to Romanians only on the thriving black market.
By 1985, despite Romania's huge refining capacity, petrol was strictly rationed, with supplies drastically cut, a Sunday curfew was instated, and many buses and taxis converted to methane propulsion (they were mockingly named "bombs"). Electricity was rationed to divert supplies to heavy industry, with a maximum monthly allowed consumption of 20 kWh per family (everything over this limit was heavily taxed), and very frequent blackouts (generally 1-2 hours daily) Only one in five streetlights were to be kept on, and television was reduced to a 2 hours each day, mostly propaganda.

Gas and heating were also turned off; people in cities had to turn to natural gas containers ("butelii"), or charcoal stoves, even though they were connected to the gas mains. According to a decree of 1988, all public spaces had to be kept to a temperature of no more than 16 degrees Celsius (about 63 degrees Fahrenheit) in winter (the only institutions exempted were kindergartens and hospitals), with some (such as factories)[citation needed], kept at no more than 14 degrees (about 59 degrees Fahrenheit). All shops were to close no later than 5:30 p.m., in order to preserve electricity. A thriving black market appeared, with Kent cigarettes becoming Romania's second currency (it was illegal and punished with up to ten years imprisonment to own or trade any foreign currency), used to purchase everything, from food to clothes or medicine. Health care dropped substantially, as drugs were no longer imported
Control over society became stricter and stricter, with an East German-style phone bugging system installed, and with Securitate recruiting more agents, extending censorship and keeping tabs and records on a large segment of the population. By 1989, according to CNSAS (the Council for Studies of the Archives of the Former Securitate), one in three Romanians was an informant for the Securitate. Due to this state of affairs, income from tourism dropped substantially, the number of foreign tourists visiting Romania dropping by 75%, with the three main tour operators that organized trips in Romania leaving the country by 1987."

http://www.communistcrimes.org/en/Database/Romania/Historical-Overview/1965-1989

Friday, 3 August 2012

Reagan vs. Ceausescu


-  GSP: Generalized System of Preferences, a program that gives developing countries tariff advantages for their exports to the USA. In 1984, congress had renewed the amendment stating that in order for a country to be eligible for the program it had to have, or were taking steps to grant “internationally recognized workers rights”.

- By 1987, Romania had taken no such step and was at risk of losing their place in the program. The Romanian Ministry of Labour rebutted that many of the workers’ collectives owned the factories themselves and, therefore did not need such rights.

- The Americans did not want to lose trades with the Romanians as they would bring in $200 million per year.

- However, on January 2nd, 1987, Reagan announced that Romania, along with other countries, would no longer hold their GSP status and as a result tension was created between the two countries.


** The article is long but here is the link to it:


** This is from pages 111-113

Saturday, 7 July 2012

Romanian and American relations



NATO Countries in blue, WARSAW countries in red.

-A little social studies for us all...

-NATO (North Atlantis Treaty Organization) was created as a mutual defence alliance so that if any of its countries became under attack, the rest would come to its aide. The WARSAW Pact was created for the exact reason but, obviously, with other countries in it.

-Because the USA was part of NATO and Romania was, originally, part of the WARSAW, they weren't necessarily the 'best of friends', and if it came down to it they would become enemies.

-The Soviets (Russians) were the obvious leaders for the WARSAW and kept military personnel in other countries and kept them running socialist governments, and the Americans for NATO. It could be looked at as Communism vs. Democracy.

- The 1980's began with an ever-worsening crisis between the east and west.  European cities were somewhat protected in 1983 with the development of intermediate-range ballistic missiles which were designed to ward off Soviet attacks. With the signing of the "Intermediate Nuclear Treaty" in 1987 the breakdown of the WARSAW Pact began and was over by 1991. NATO seemed to have overcome the challenge provided by the Communist bloc by the end of that decade.


-

Monday, 25 June 2012

Factoids

Here is a link to a program from the University of Northern Iowa's production of Mad Forest in 2011. It contains some interesting facts about life in Romania and also Romanian-Hungarian relations under Ceausescu.



Documentaries on Nicolae Ceausescu

Ceausescu Behind the Myth
Biography of Nicolae Ceausescu

Defender of Communist Romania, leader of the fight against the Iron Guard, shot to death by a firing squad

Basic Info on Iron Guard


    Iron Guard/ Legion of the Archangel Michael
    • ultra-right political party, facist, promoted by Orthodox Christian faith
    • anti-semetic: religious anti-semitism, economic and racial anti-semitism
    • used lots of religious symbols and imagery in nationalist speeched, poetry, songs
    • youth movement had stronghold on Faculty of Theology at U of Bucharest
    • Legion founded on July 24, 1927 by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu until 1938 when he was assassinated
    • more terms “legionnaires”, “Legion”, “Legionary Movement”
    • Iron Guard formed in 1930, paramilitary political branch of Legion
    • June 1935 “Totul pentru Tară” or “Everything for the Country”/ “Everything for the Fatherland”/ “Everything for the Motherland”
    • similar to an oligarchy?
    • Iron Guard Anthem - Hymn of Legionari Youth, speech: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rWQkAfSLSLA
    • Corneliu = Sun of Romania
    • Creepy death team song: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bYaX2hS3iUk
    • Legionaires were asked to give and embrace death (lots of songs and tributes to death, as it was noble to die for God)
    • Romanian Orthodox Church prohibits death, but they got around it by saying “giving death”
    • GLORY, moving “through” death
    • Nest Leader’s Manual: http://ia700305.us.archive.org/9/items/TheNestLeadersManual_148/NestLeadersManual.pdf
    • Romania switched from Facism to Communism during WWII when Russia invaded Romania in an attempt to recapture it from German forces and liberate Czechoslovakia  http://www.moreorless.au.com/killers/ceausescu.html
    • “no one shall escape judgement”, everyone is responsible to the nation, no matter who you know or who you are (unless you’re the all powerful leader)
    • Although religious, Legionnaires enjoyed the idea of the dead and living making up the nation; invoking the dead for justice
    • Jilava Massacre:
      • Nov 26, 1940, Jilava penitentiary
      • 64 political detainees killed during the night
      • Iron Guard came to power in 1940, PM and conducator Ion Antonescu sought justice through legal means, but IG wanted bloodshed and vengeance
      • post-Codreanu (after his assassination)
    • short bio on Antonescu: http://www.moreorless.au.com/killers/antonescu.html




    Short blog entry on religion and Iron Guard
    excerpt from 

    From Sacred Causes: The Clash of Religion and Politics, From the Great War to the War on Terror, by Michael Burleigh (HarperCollins, 2007), pp. 270-271


Here's an article on the Iron Guard as a political religion:
Fascism as Political Religion: The Case of the Romanian Iron Guard


Wednesday, 20 June 2012

Abortion

Here are some links to articles and a documentary on abortion. Be careful while reading - some are opinion pieces, but they do contain a lot of useful information. Here is the gist of it, highlighting Ceaucescu's Decree 770, but please take a peek at all the articles (they're short and concise):


"The highest abortion rates recorded have been in Romania in 1965, where, among women in the reproductive age from fifteen to forty-four, one in four had an abortion each year (Henshaw and Morrow 1990). The abortion rate in Romania plummeted in 1966 when Romanian dictator Nicolau Ceaucescu banned abortion in an attempt to increase population growth rates. Police surveillance of women included mandatory pelvic examinations and pregnancy tests. This action resulted in higher birth rates, but it was also accompanied by skyrocketing maternal mortality rates including a dramatic increase in deaths from abortion, which caused approximately 85 percent of all maternal deaths. The Romanian maternal mortality rate went from 86 per 100,000 live births in 1966 to 170 per 100,000 live births in the late 1980s—the highest in Europe.

Approximately 10,000 excess maternal deaths due to abortion occurred during the period from 1966–1989 (Serbanescu et al. 2001). Romanian abortion rates again became the highest in the world after Ceaucescu was overthrown in 1989, and abortion mortality rates dropped ( Joffe 1999; Henshaw 1999). Within one year after the fall of the Ceaucescu regime, the maternal mortality rate dropped by 50 per cent. By 1997, there were 21 abortion-related deaths per 100,000 live births (Serbanescu et al. 2001)."
<a href="http://family.jrank.org/pages/5/Abortion-Incidence-Abortion.html">Abortion - Incidence Of Abortion</a>